Well, I freely admit to not being a constitutional scholar. Yet, I do believe that I have an understanding of the basic principles of logic and common sense. Alberto Gonzales is schooled in law, but seems to be less well educated in constitutional law. Logic? Common sense? Don't get your expectations too high. Here are some quotes from a news conference held to "educate" the public about the NSA warrantless wiretaps.
But first, a few observations: Despite all the obfuscating rhetoric, constitutional defenses and "activist" interpretation of law by Bush and Gonzales, three things seem very clear. Given the lattitude allowed by FISA, it seems logical that the only reason the government would need a warrantless wiretap is to conceal from the FISA judges the identity of people being wiretapped. This begs the question: Who was the NSA wiretapping? Reporters? Elected democratic politicians? High-level Saudi investors in the Carlisle Group? Until the administration provides evidence that the program was used only to wiretap international calls to card-carrying Al Quaeda members, we can only speculate.
Second, the FISA courts do not prevent the "agility" demanded by the NSA surveillance program. The rule is, "listen first, get warrant later." Under FISA, you can listen to any conversation and do the paperwork to apply for a warrant ex post facto. Even if the warrant is denied, you still have transcripts of the conversation in hand. While Gonzales says that FISA is directed at long-term surveillance, from what I read, this is only true if one wants to continue the surveillance.
Third, I hate to break it to the President, but I am almost 100% certain that Al Qaeda members had a strong suspicion that American intelligence operatives were trying to intercept their phone communications. By reporting the fact that the Bush administration was conducting warrantless searches, the NY Times did NOT damage the national security. Only the reputation of the President.
Anyway, here are some quotes from the press conference by Attorney General Gonzales and General Hayden. You can find the transcript here: http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2005/12/20051219-1.html
Q If FISA didn't work, why didn't you seek a new statute that allowed something like this legally?
ATTORNEY GENERAL GONZALES: That question was asked earlier. We've had discussions with members of Congress, certain members of Congress, about whether or not we could get an amendment to FISA, and we were advised that that was not likely to be -- that was not something we could likely get, certainly not without jeopardizing the existence of the program, and therefore, killing the program.
Question: General, when you discussed the emergency powers, you said, agility is critical here. And in the case of the emergency powers, as I understand it, you can go in, do whatever you need to do, and within 72 hours just report it after the fact. And as you say, these may not even last very long at all. What would be the difficulty in setting up a paperwork system in which the logs that you say you have the shift supervisors record are simply sent to a judge after the fact? If the judge says that this is not legitimate, by that time probably your intercept is over, wouldn't that be correct? GENERAL HAYDEN: What you're talking about now are efficiencies. What you're asking me is, can we do this program as efficiently using the one avenue provided to us by the FISA Act, as opposed to the avenue provided to us by subsequent legislation and the President's authorization.
Our operational judgment, given the threat to the nation that the difference in the operational efficiencies between those two sets of authorities are such that we can provide greater protection for the nation operating under this authorization.
The conclusion here seems unmistakeable: If you don't like the restraints of executive power inherent in existing legislation and you know Congress wont agree to expanding these powers, simply circumvent the law. If the current legislation is deemed "inefficient," evade the legislative requirements and set up your own process that expands executive power.
The arguments that these actions by the executive branch are authorized by Article II of the constitution in the language regarding the President's role as commander in chief and the Authorization for Use of Military Force act passed by congress after 9-11 are dubious. In the Hamdi v. Rumsfeld case, [ http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=000&invol=03-6696 ] the "activist" court seems to be equating a resolution for the use of force with a formal declaration of war. Since the US has marched its armies across the glove for the last sixty years without a declaration of war, we may excuse Alberto Gonzales and George W. Bush for being a bit confused on the matter. However, I would expect more from the Supreme Court. Interestingly, Antonin Scalia dissented from the plurality opinion in the Hamdi case.